
A future of journalism?
It’s been years since I last read an issue of the Atlantic. The main reason was because the United States of America invaded Iraq–an act I opposed and felt had nothing to do with the greater and so called) war on terror. During the period following immediately after September 11th, 2001 and well to the end of the George W. Bush presidency, the American media by and large became an extension of the American government. In essence, the television, newspapers, magazines, and other reporting services spread propaganda. Freedom of speech was subverted by self-censorship, all under the guise of preserving freedom per se.
Indeed, the American media stopped doing its job during this time and journalism consisted of toeing a line drawn by the White House. Even though they may have been asked by individual journalists, hard questions related to the war on terror weren’t made public. It was difficult to ascertain context, and the story of this new war was not one that explored nuances nor relative positions. Publishers and owners were afraid of becoming one of those who were against America; and thus there was a palpable and gratuitous pro-Americanism to the collective American press corps that was at once admirable for its patriotism and shameless for its self-indulgence. All the more grating because the war was being fought on the terms of freedom, justice, and democracy.
I stopped reading the National Geographic during this time in disappointment. Their stories were more than just the typical National Geographic apple-pie Americanism, love of the homeland and the Earth with a scientific bent. They were issuing spreads that glorified the war in Iraq and did nothing, absolutely nothing, to question why the soldiers dying there were there in the first place. Context had little to do with Iraq; the stories were well-photographed patriotic statements that celebrated the trials of American freedom-making, irrespective of the means. In there is a god for hypocrisy, the time between 2002 and 2004 was one of its glory days.
So, this was a deliberate editorial stance that showed little journalistic integrity. And though the National Geographic is not an investigative news publication, its approach was congruent with that of the New York Times, the Washington Post, the LA Times, and all other notable media outlets of the United States. If the apolitical National Geographic (for instance, see all its articles on South Africa published during Apartheid) was doing its version of supporting the war on terror, then how was the rest of the media doing it? The collective and overt message broadcast was America is going to War; the veiled tone of the media was that We’re Unwilling to Rock the Boat, less the Government Smite Us. Bush had the support of the people, the ear of the world, and the American media rolled over and spread the news that was wanted of it.
Meanwhile, the Atlantic published stories that edged around the illicit nature of the War on Terror. Some articles going so far as to suggest that Iraq had little to do with the Taliban, Al-Qaeda, or terrorism. These stories, however, equivocated and did not dare state that invading Iraq was wrong; that the American leadership was wrong in accusing the United Nations nuclear investigation teams for failing in their duties (which they had not failed, as it turns out, but done with success); that creating a legal loophole for torture was a deep evil against humanity; that Guantanamo Bay was cowardly and wrong; that polarizing the world debate around unilateral action was ruinous to American reputation abroad.
In short, punches were pulled, and whatever hard hitting stories the media should have authored were shelved. Those that were delivered were white-washed both to be compatible with the political climate of the day as well as preserve some shred of dignity that the press was, in fact, doing journalism.
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However, I digress.
The October, 2009, issue of the Atlantic had several good articles, and I was attracted to the issue by the cover. The header said, “Special Report – Who is killing the media?” and the feature article was “Dear Mr. Bush, you approved Torture. Only you can fix the damage. Here’s how.” I read the issue cover to cover and, as usual, felt humbled by the quality of writing therein. Christopher Hitchens was more than his normal miserable self; he was glowing with unhappiness and it had little to do with the books by Al Franken, Jon Stewart, and Stephen Colbert that he was reviewing. He seemed to be parrying Obama with every thrust of his pen, and it was interesting to see how he has fully adopted America as his home–despite his voice, birth certificate, and style being English:
“And the current president of the United States, whom it might not be altogether inaccurate to describe as the Galahad of the SNL and Stewart generations, has made exactly one speech about Muslim garb–defining the wearing of the hijab as a human right and indirectly attacking those French secularists who have their misgivings about it.” (p. 104)
Hitchens, the Hitch, as Martin Amis calls him, is a grumpy old man who uses his omnivorous reading habits to garrote his readers into submission, and as the quote above demonstrates, is not adverse to taking low-blow high-brow potshots, however tangentially they may be in relation to the subject he is supposedly reviewing, when the opportunity presents itself.
More to the point, several feature stories redeemed the Atlantic in my eye, in particular those that dealt with the downfall of the media. The one I thought best was “The Story Behind the Story,” by Mark Bowden, a mid-length piece about the rise of bloggers and the decline of context in mainstream media. He uses the case of US Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor as example, where two inflammatory video clips of her were aired soon after her nomination to the Supreme Court. Both clips dominated the debate regarding her nomination, and were harmful to her reputation. As Bowden uncovers, it seems that these clips originated from two bloggers, both of which took statements made by her out of context, and these soon went viral. The point Bowden makes is “It succeeded in shaping the national debate over her nomination for weeks, but more serious assessments of her record would demolish the caricature soon enough . . . The incident does, however, illustrate one consequence of the collapse of professional journalism. Work formerly done by reporters and producers is now routinely performed by political operatives and amateur ideologues of one stripe or another, whose goal is not to educate the public but to win.” (p. 48).
I make no pretense to be a journalist; little that I do here is journalism, as I respect the work that goes into good journalism, which is at heart, assiduous investigation and careful presentation of the facts. Bowden concludes his article with a strong declaration on the nature of journalism, one that hit a chord with this reader:
“A reporter who thinks and speaks for himself, whose preeminent goal is providing deeper understanding, aspires even in political argument to persuade, which requires at the very least being seen as fair-minded and trustworthy by those–and this is the key–who are inclined to disagree with him. The honest, disinterested voice of a true journalist carries an authority that no self-branded liberal or conservative can have. “For a country to have a great writer is like having another government,” Alexander Solzhenitsyn wrote. Journalism, done right, is enormously powerful precisely because it does not seek power. It seeks truth. Those who forsake it to shill for a product or a candidate or a party or an ideology diminish their own power. They are missing the most joyful part of the job.”
When looking in retrospect at American journalism of the past eight years, we don’t see so much of what Bowden describes, which is in part what he is arguing for. He wants more of this; if only so much of it has not already disappeared. Yet here, again, there is little willing introspection: the American media failed over Iraq. Nonetheless, I give points to Bowden, and the Atlantic, for getting back to business.
Of course, the entire issue is built around a critique of the Bush doctrine of torture; many libertarian articles surround one that is written by a self-avowed Republican and former Bush supporter, Andrew Sullivan. When one reads this article, one realizes how all the other articles–including Bowden’s–is the framework for this long opinion piece. The argument is sound, that the torture of prisoners is illegal and damaging to the American war on terror, and it is well presented, with a thin veneer that does little to hide Sullivan’s horror and disgust. By defending the right of media to speak well on difficult subjects (“Why I love Al Jazeera,” and “The Moguls’ New Clothes,” both part of this issue’s Special Report), the door is left open to an attack on the former president. It says a great deal about the American regard for the presidency and the divine father-figure that this position entails in the collective mind of the country. It also reveals how removed this position is from most Americans: there is chasm between the president and his people.
This last point is not worth going into at this point; the point I do want to make is that this argument was one that should have been published years ago, while Bush was in power, not after. Sullivan and Bowden’s article reveal the lacuna that has existed in the media until this point: the reluctance to speak out against the president in harsh but honest terms. It is a tacit admission that my assessment has been correct (not a happy victory, as far as I can tell).
(More to follow)